Author: tommie w

  • Social Media and the Commodification of Human Identity 

    By Tommie Worrall

    “Technological progress has merely provided us with more efficient means for going backwards.” 

        — Aldous Huxley, “Ends and Means” 

    Author’s Note: This article does not aim to offer any concessions to opposing perspectives on the issue of social media. This is a stone-cold diatribe – an unwavering condemnation of all digital mediums of cultural exchange. The author is in no way inclined to defend that which he views as having a decidedly atrophying effect on human society. 

    The contemporary western world has fundamentally compromised all current and future generations. One may cite myriad examples of how this has been achieved: through the systematic destruction of the natural world, the impoverishment of the third world, through the legitimisation of a system of political and economic backwardness which prioritises said destruction…the list can continue indefinitely. 

    Within this dystopian mire that our everyday existence has become, we are not even afforded the luxury of normal human development. Late-stage capitalism dictates that every aspect of our lives is managed and maintained by someone other than ourselves: our time, our resources, and now even our identities are no longer our own. What I would like to emphasise in particular in this article is the latter issue – that we are no longer in control of the development of our own identities. Our thoughts, attitudes, and aesthetics now seem to be determined entirely by somebody else.

    I wish to clarify prior to further elaboration that I fully acknowledge the role of community in the growth of individual identity development. Our nature as social beings demands that our ego develops only after years of interaction and comparison with others; that is to say, we discover who we are largely thanks to inspiration and feedback from other people. This process of the death of the self-crafted identity that I am describing is not a vilification of the conventional role that others play in the development of identity; it is a condemnation of the fact that, in our unique set of circumstances in the modern western world, one is now largely removed from the process of the development of his own self. 

    I attribute the death of the individual to social media: that great, all-pervasive network of communication which has forcefully imposed its values of vanity, consumption, and alienation upon the masses in flashy, user-friendly style. There are few that can resist its temptation, and few that can live without it, try as one might; the burgeoning class of administrators and professionals in the United States is virtually required to possess, and consistently engage with, user profiles on LinkedIn, while local businesses will likely remain obscure outside of their town of origin unless they take to advertising on platforms such as Instagram and Facebook. 

    Still, by far the largest demographic that has taken to (or rather, been coerced into using) social media is adolescents. Indeed, so much of the modern adolescent experience has been digitised that the common caricature of the American teenager now portrays them, often without exception, with a smartphone in their hands, obstinately unwilling to disengage from their online world. This is where the trouble begins – and where classic identity development ends.

    What has heretofore occurred among the juvenile population of the West, in accordance with the theories of psychoanalyst Erik Erikson, goes as follows: if all has gone well in one’s life up to the point of adolescence, they have successfully developed the competence and confidence necessary to act within and upon the world around them and pursue the activities for which they possess a combination of ability and curiosity. At this point, however, the adolescent finds themself in the midst of a crisis of the greatest possible magnitude: Who are they? – and furthermore, how do they fit into society as a unique individual? The adolescent, in the burning frustration of their youth, finds that they cannot yet answer this question. In order to do so, and thus resolve their “identity crisis,” the adolescent tries on various roles, experimenting with and employing a variety of different – and often nonconformist – attitudes, behaviours, and activities, until the embryo of a unique identity is formed. In this stage of life, the adolescent is able to personally select the values, convictions, and persuasions that they want to adopt, and personally reject those which they find distasteful. They are the master of their own identity.

    Under the modern social media paradigm, however, the adolescent is no longer granted the privilege of taking part in the development of their own identity. Indeed, as the contemporary youth agonises over who they are, and who they wish to be, their social media feeds inundate them with pre-scripted, pre-crafted identities to adopt without a second thought. These are commodity identities, able to be acquired without any effort on the part of the adolescent other than mimicking the carefully curated content on their screen. Western youth are now able to develop a personality without engaging at all in the self-examination inherent to the process of identity formation – they are able to adopt beliefs, attitudes, and behaviours that have already been decided for them.

    The digital content that bequeaths these prefabricated identities to our youth, however, is not unique to each individual. These identities are, like material commodities, intended to be acquired by as many consumers as possible. As a result, their proliferation is more important than their quality, and they are woefully mediocre. Commodity identities are a series of one-dimensional, watered-down caricatures, each crafted with their own superficial aesthetics, attitudes, and buzzwords so as to be instantly recognisable and transmissible – and as more and more adolescents adopt them, they are becoming ubiquitous. It is one thing for a material good to be adopted by majority groups, but an identity with no variation whatsoever is quite another; never before has such a level of identity homogenisation existed within human society. 

    True, adolescents have always divided themselves according to the similarities found in their nascent identity patterns (think of the clichéd groupings of jocks, nerds, goths, et cetera), but the members of such groupings were all recognised to be individuals, each with their own distinctive ideas and aspirations; a circle of friends that all were identified as, let us say, “nerds”, would have undoubtedly all possessed a certain bookishness, but each friend would have had their own unique intellectual interests, one being interested in the humanities, another in the sciences, and so on. Each friend would have brought different ideas, values, and aspirations to the grouping, despite their shared attributes. Now, however, the uniformity of adopted personalities has virtually eliminated such differences; the interests, mannerisms, and even patterns of speech of each member of an in-group are now totally identical, having already been scripted online for use in the real world. 

    What, then, has the West left to its progeny? – A hopeless future, one under which they are not even afforded the ability to develop as unique individuals, consigned instead to adopt shallow, prepackaged identities that hold as much depth as a puddle holds water. If our youth are relegated to an existence as carbon copies of one another, if they are denied the possibility to distinguish themselves personally, behaviourally, and intellectually, then we have truly entered into a period of unique cultural decline, unlike anything that human society has hitherto experienced.

  • CLIMATE CHANGE MITIGATION: THE DEGROWTH IMPERATIVE

    By Beatrice Sturmdrang

    INTRODUCTION:

    When considering any number of potentially viable ways to mitigate, mollify, or lessen the harmful effects of anthropogenic climate change, one is immediately stuck by the obviousness of several possibilities. Some of them are already more or less being adopted, to varying degrees of consistency and efficacy. The transition to electric vehicles, for example, is already well underway, although critics deride the electric cars, such as Teslas, as symbolic of eco-capitalism, or a maintenance of the status quo with a green veneer. It is not enough to simply introduce yet more forms of consumption when the most salient and grave problem facing humanity stems from the very fact that the earth’s resources are finite, we must radically alter the relationship that humanity has with the natural world. Rather than allowing us to continue to extract resources at even greater degrees of efficiency, while avoiding the consequences (as the panglossian techno-futurists assured us), our prodigious technological development (and dependency) has only manifested in such a way as to all but guarantee the elimination of crucial natural resources from this planet.  

    DEGROWTH:

    Instead of focusing in on one specific tactic for the effective mitigation of anthropogenic climate change, this essay relates and underwrites ideas that have gained some cache in academic circles in recent decades, all subsumed under the larger category name: DEGROWTH. Degrowth is an abstract, varied, but widely agreed upon set of parameters that policymakers could implement to effectively transition the national and world economies from those that prioritize and necessitate infinitely expanding, linear growth, to economies designed to safeguard and promote the wellbeing of actual people. Shortly after its invention and rise to prominence as a metric in the 1930s, the concept of the Gross Domestic Product as an indicator of the economic health of a nation gain traction and currency among western economists. It is still widely used and relied upon despite it not being an accurate reflection of quality of life. The ultra-wealthy classes of corporate leaders and financiers, and the politicians who cross-pollinate between and among these elite groups, have benefitted from the deliberate misrepresentation of GDP as an indicator of a nation’s general wellbeing. To quote Kate Raworth, whose book Doughnut Economics presents and elucidates an economic system that prioritizes human needs over profits and growth, “the answer to inequality, we were told by the infinite growth proponents (such as Walt Rostow), was more growth.” 

    Exponents of the promise of economic degrowth blame the infinite-growth paradigm that the West has been operating in for the last sixty-plus years for the frog-in-boiling-water state that we find ourselves in relative to climatic change. It is clear that the western world, or the developed world (the nations who were colonial powers in the 19th century, and earlier in some cases) has pursued industrial development that is plainly unsustainable; unsustainable not in the figurative sense, but in a practical, literal sense. Unlimited growth models have catastrophically failed to foreground the importance of human dignity and wellbeing in their system of profit-seeking and blind innovation. Proponents of a degrowth model ask: “What would our economy look like if the ultimate goal of all economic activity were to enable people to flourish by having all their basic needs met?” This model would allow for blitzkrieg decarbonization, which would go a long way toward righting the ecological ship, so to speak. Degrowth frameworks can be used to promote and leverage an array of climate-conscious policies that can have such varied goals as reversing biodiversity loss, reforestation, and the radical reduction of energy use, among many others. 

    THE WASTE OF CONSUMERISM 

    If growth, and profit, are the sole incentives being pursued by businesses, the desire to market a quality product can quickly be replaced by the desire to market the cheapest, poorest quality item, made in the most remote, dismal factory with modern slave labor, to cut costs as much as possible. This has led to widely-known practices such as programmed obsolescence, which is rampant in many industries but in the consumer electronics sector in particular, which consists of the engineering of products to be of deliberately poor quality to create an artificial need to repurchase the device before its natural life-cycle would normally end. It is precisely this kind of logic that has been driving the rapid globalization of the world, which is more or less the recolonization of the global south by the economically hegemonic global north.  

    A fully implementable degrowth agenda would target harmful sectors such the fossil-fuel industry, private aviation services, intensive agribusiness, advertising, and more. State actors tasked with implementing degrowth agendas would require enforcement arms with enough leverage to hold large corporate entities accountable for their flagrant disregard of planetary limits and human life generally. Any industries deemed unnecessary or unproductive for meeting human needs will be targeted by degrowth task-forces. The emphasis will move away from enriching a minority of wealthy shareholders and financiers,  and toward providing, at a society-wide scale,  a socially conscious economic framework out of which opportunity, leisure, and human agency are each available for all citizens, regardless of their financial status. With the newly assumed social responsibility of modern degrowth states, it stands to reason that robust sets of public services will be provided for out of the limited revenues generated by the taxes on regressive businesses and negligent corporate actors. Services that are crucial for the maintenance of any even moderate quality of life, such as education, healthcare, and housing, all of which have been left to the greed and caprice of the private sector in our pro-growth system, which sees private equity frequently buyout struggling hospitals to sell off the real estate and lease it back to the hospital at astronomical rates of return, and then leaving the hospital to slowly fall into bankruptcy after being exploited for the benefit of a few investors in New York, all of the crucial human services will be provided for every citizen in a degrowth model; they will be the foundation, the bedrock upon which modern liberty and fraternity is built. A reworking of the distributive effects of our current economic orthodoxy is desperately needed if we can even properly conceive of a society that truly offers freedom to its citizens. It is only when we can radically alter our relationship to economics and the world around us that we can begin to properly adapt and react to the newly emerging climate crises and threats. 

    WHY DEGROWTH? PRACTICAL BENEFITS AND CONCLUSION

    There are currently housing developments in urban settings, such as Vienna, the first twelve floors of which are dedicated to conveying a visual representation of urban renewal in the form of ecologically minded city-planning. The normally utilitarian and uniform array of balconies has been replaced by a stunning, deliberate arboreal installation that draws the eye of the passerby and the online viewer with equal astonishment. These buildings also serve as socially progressive, public housing in Vienna. This is a really instructive example of the kind of innovative, socially conscious public projects that degrowth, if properly pursued, will come to embody. As an inspiring forerunner, these gorgeous Vienna housing towers serve two ends: they provide a social good, in the form of shelter for economically insecure Viennese, and they act as air-quality control mechanisms by the profusion of plant life into the urban environ. It is precisely this kind of forward thinking that can propel us out of the danger zone and into a new paradigm of successful adaptation and climate mitigation. It is hard to remain optimistic in the face of such colossal blows to climate adaptation as second the Trump presidency, yet, reading and thinking about programmatic solutions, that are far reaching and well-designed, like shifting toward a degrowth economy, can help keep the hope alive, and hopefully the human race as well.

    CITATIONS:

    Hickel, J., Kallis, G., Jackson, T., O’Neill, D. W., Schor, J. B., Steinberger, J. K., Victor, P. A., & Ürge-Vorsatz, D. (2022, December 12). Degrowth can work – here’s how science can help. Nature News. https://www.nature.com/articles/d41586-022-04412-x 

    a, b, c, 1, & d. (2023, August 22). Degrowth and the global south: The twin problem of global dependencies. Ecological Economics. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0921800923002094#:~:text=138)%20argues%20degrowth%20should%20be,the%20discourse%20as%20a%20whole. 

    About doughnut economics. DEAL. (n.d.). https://doughnuteconomics.org/about-doughnut-economics 

  • The Democratic Party: Where Social Movements Go to Die

    by Tommie Worrall

    Less than one month remains until the 2024 primary election and the progressive political scene in this country is, to put it mildly, an utter disgrace. Would-be Marxists are being swayed by the vague and hollow promises for reform made by the status quo duo of Kamala Harris and Tim Walz, while liberals and social democrats shame, slander, and cancel those of us on the left who know better than to buy into their cheap rhetoric. We are told, rightly, that many of our hard-won rights are on the line, but wrongly that they can be secured by casting our ballots for the Democratic Party. 

    Liberal fear-mongering would have us believe that voting for another blue candidate is the only possible way to maintain our current civil liberties and regain those which we have lost. It is implicit in this scare tactic rhetoric that the demands of social movements, such as the securing of protections for marginalised groups and the return of federal abortion rights, will be heeded, if only another democrat can win the presidency. Not only is this position erroneous, it is also dangerous: it rejects the possibility of collective action, instead depending solely on the goodwill of the principal representatives of the Democratic Party for change. This is a group which has, historically, never sided with the people uncoerced; only when the legitimacy of the Party or its executive have been up in the air has any Democrat ever genuinely endorsed reform. 

    When the people do organise collectively with the hope of securing rights or demanding reform, the Democratic Party panics. It cannot completely drop the progressive facade that it has so cunningly crafted for itself, but neither can it stand idly by while the masses join together to call for things it is not willing to grant: better working conditions, livable wages, investment in communities, et cetera. This would entail a moral, and, more importantly to the Democratic Party, a financial commitment to the working class; in other words, a diversion of billions of dollars from their original targets (currently, the right-wing regimes of Israel and Ukraine) to the communities at home struggling to make ends meet under the crushing weight of poverty. This would be a nightmare scenario for Democrats and Republicans alike; not only would U.S. military aid to its quasi-fascist allies cease to expand at a linear rate (thus destroying the harmonious balance of the military-industrial complex), the loss would empower the downtrodden masses whose unrelenting desperation keeps them apolitical at one end of the scale and reactionary at the other. The power balance of inequality would be completely disrupted. 

    The Democratic Party’s solution to this potential catastrophe has been to gradually co-opt any and all movements of mass dissent in the United States until they can be rendered impotent or be dissolved completely. Its ultimate goal is to move the peoples’ demands to the right and to replace organisation in the streets with organisation around the ballot box, substituting radical struggle for watered-down election campaigns. This was certainly the case in 2020 at the height of the Black Lives Matter movement. What began as a series of popular uprisings fundamentally opposed to our country’s systems of oppression (the law enforcement apparatus, structurally-embedded racism, et cetera) ended as a politically moribund crusade for the Biden campaign and cosmetic changes: corporate diversity, socially-conscious consumerism, and the like. As soon as the Democrats began openly vocalising their “support” for Black Lives Matter, it was a sure indication that the movement would no longer bear the fruits of change. Within a matter of weeks, the streets were emptied of protestors, demonstrations ceased to make headlines, and calls to replace the police with community-based organisations were relegated to comments sections on social media. Establishment co-optation had effectively put the movement down. 

    This sedation of the Black Lives Matter movement was not an accident of nature: its downfall can be explicitly traced back to the actions of the Democratic Party. The Democrats’ propensity for destroying social movements is something of a historical pattern; the Civil Rights movement, the Women’s Rights movement, the Anti-War movement, the LGBTQ Rights movement…all of these movements, within their respective time periods and beyond, were, and continue to be, transformed from mass demonstrations of frustration with the system into tranquil extensions of the electoral process by none other than our bureaucrats in blue. When the American left refers to the Democratic Party as the “graveyard of social movements,” it does so knowing that this historical tradition is still alive and well with the Party’s current representatives, and that it will continue to exist if we continue to be lulled into complacency. 

    Rejecting the Democratic Party is thus a moral imperative for anyone who wishes to see the goals of our social movements realised before they are forever consigned to the annals of history. They are not gone yet; our demands are still ripe for acquisition, if only we are ready to reach out and grasp them. But we must do so ourselves, independent of and in opposition to the Democratic Party and the institutions of capitalism.